I am, fundamentally, old fashioned about this stuff: I think of the world as largely a set of competing power centers. Economics matters, but power matters at least as much, and I think that students of political economy these days spend way
too much time on the economy and way too little time on the political. This explains, for example, why I regret the demise of private sector labor unions. It’s not because I don’t recognize their many pathologies, or even the fact that sometimes they stand in the way of economic efficiency. I’m all in favor of trying to regulate the worst aspects of this. But large corporations have their pathologies too, and those pathologies are far worse because there’s no longer any effective countervailing power to fight them. Unions used to provide that power. Today nobody does.
So when Tim Lee writes that “Competitive labor markets have steadily displaced top-down collective bargaining,” I just have to shake my head. Competitive for whom? For the upper middle class, labor markets are fairly competitive, but then, they always have been. They never needed collective bargaining to begin with. For everyone else, though, employers have been steadily gaining at their expense for decades. Your average middle class worker has very little real bargaining power anymore, and this isn’t due to chance or to fundamental changes in the economy. (You can organize the service sector just as effectively as the manufacturing sector as long as the law gives you the power to organize effectively in the first place.) Rather, it’s due to a long series of deliberate policy choices that we’ve made over the past 40 years.
It’s worth noting, by the way, that corporations and the rich know this perfectly well, even if lots of liberals have forgotten it. They know exactly what the biggest threat to their wealth is, and it’s not high tax rates. This is why the steady erosion of labor rights has been, by far, their single biggest obsession since the end of World War II. Not taxes, unions. If, right now, you were to offer corporations and the rich a choice between (a) passage of EFCA or (b) a return to Clinton-era tax rates on high incomes, they wouldn’t even blink. If you put a gun to their head and they had to choose between one or the other, they’d pay the higher taxes without a peep. That’s because, on the level of raw power, they know how the world works.
The main dynamic creating this problem is the collective power of corporations. Corporations are far from the free market ideal; in fact they thrive most when they can become controlling monopsonists in a labor market and can pay far lower wages than a true free market would allow. (For example, contrast a Wal-Mart town with a place full of mom-and-pop shops who must compete for workers. Where are employees paid more? Hint: Wal-Mart pays the legal minimum.)
Corporations function as ‘capital unions’ which allow many people to coordinate their economic power. But without labor unions there is no countervailing force for laborers themselves to reap the benefits of consolidation. This imbalance takes all the surplus income away from workers, who have no bargaining power — they are left with the reality of ‘barely getting by’ while corporate profits soar. The same is true at the political level. Corporations are large enough and powerful enough to cooperate and create market power, while non-unionized workers have no collective representation in Washington. The outcome is depressingly predictable and familiar.
I think this way of looking at the imbalance between labor unions and capital unions also helps make Kevin’s point here:
Matt Yglesias has a complaint:
I think labor-friendly writers sometimes don’t do the best possible job of distinguishing between unions qua social and political institutions and collective bargaining as a labor market institution. Something like EFCA is the only way to revive collective bargaining as a major force in private sector labor markets. But I don’t think it’s correct to see EFCA → union density as the only conceivable form of politically influential mass membership organization.
Actually, I’m pretty sure that most labor-friendly writers are keenly aware of this distinction. But put that aside. It’s obviously true that organized labor isn’t the only conceivable form of politically influential mass membership organization. The question is whether it’s the only conceivable form of politically influential mass membership organization dedicated to the economic concerns of the middle class. Right now I’d say it is for the simple reason that no one seems able to conceive of an alternative. But I sure wish someone would.
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