As a result of a conversation in comments over at TheMoneyIllusion, I thought a lot about what exactly Scott Sumner has been saying all this time and what I think about it. Basically, it comes down to this: I agree with him on the facts, but disagree about what the facts mean, and I think this is basically what the Keynesian-Market Monetarist divide is all about.
First and foremost, I want to say that Keynesians agree to the core element of the Market Monetarist theory:
Instead of monetary aggregates and stability of velocity, Market Monetarists advocate the use of markets as an indicator of monetary disequilibrium.
Brad DeLong and Paul Krugman, for example, do this all the time.
I think Keynesians broadly agree with the Market Monetarists that “the private sector can’t create NGDP, only the Fed can.” But by broadly, I mean that the Keynesian take is a bit more nuanced than that. At TheMoneyIllusion, I argued:
There’s an upper limit to the total amount of (fiscal + monetary) stimulus the Fed will allow, but the Fed itself is not putting us there – and we don’t know whether it will. We also know that the Fed will probably not engage in QE that takes inflation above 2%. Therefore we can boost the economy through fiscal policy rather than waiting for the Fed to act, and we know at about what point they will start offsetting fiscal expansion.
So while I believe that the Fed controls the band in which NGDP growth can occur, I also believe that they can announce a policy of passivity within that band which signals that fiscal policy will have a real effect. In 2009 this was true: the Fed was willing to allow fiscal stimulus take the driver’s seat (and it did). When it turned out that that wasn’t enough, they brought in QE, and nominal growth was brought back up to its trend growth but not its trend level (see DeLong), which retroactively meant that the stimulus was netted out of 2011 NGDP (but not out of 2009⁄10 NGDP). I argued:
[T]he Fed stopped QE2 when inflation ran to around 2% and NGDP around 4%. There’s no reason to expect more monetary stimulus given that the Fed seems content at that level, so there’s no reason to believe that fiscal stimulus which pushed those metrics above those levels would be reducing the scope of future QE. Then we also have the interest-rate commitment, which is a strong signal that there won’t be offsetting *conventional* tightening. So I think we have clear signals that further fiscal stimulus will not be offset like 2009’s (either implicitly or explicitly) was and will actually increase NGDP – if only because the Fed is allowing it, but also because we don’t believe the Fed would do it on their own, *even though I agree they could*.
Scott said:
I wouldn’t be surprised if you are proved wrong within 24 hours.
And then in a post following the Fed announcement, he said:
The yield spread is the long rate minus the short rate. Kozicki says the conventional view is that a lower yield spread means tighter money. Today the Fed made the yield curve flatter.
So what do you think, monetary stimulus or monetary tightening? The only thing that’s “twisted” is the Fed’s logic.
Let me get this out of the way: I was proven right. But it doesn’t matter in terms of theory, because, like I said:
If I am [proven wrong], then I would absolutely agree that further fiscal stimulus would be totally offset in NGDP terms.… But I still think that the weight of conservative voices on the FOMC make it unlikely that they will drive NGDP so high that sufficient fiscal stimulus could not be functional. That’s a question of ‘am I reading the Fed right’ and, well, I can very easily be wrong on that, but that doesn’t spoil the theoretical argument that fiscal stimulus can be effective under a certain set of central bank behaviors.
In the wake of the policy announcement, I maintain that we are seeing exactly those behaviors from the Fed today, and had better take notice of it — fiscal stimulus is the only tool we have left to boost the economy.
Let me pivot here and address the core area where Keynesians and Market Monetarists can legitimately diverge. Their position seems to occasionally go as far as what I’ll call the “strong version”, which goes something like: “never use fiscal stimulus because the central bank is implicitly setting NGDP anyway”. First off, I’m going to reject this position because, as I think I’ve shown in this post, the Fed can and does create space for fiscal policy to function.
So let’s ignore that extreme version of the argument, and take the “weak version,” which runs more like “fiscal policy works, but it has no net impact if the Fed decides to target NGDP anyway.” This is the version of the Market Monetarist theory that I think is true and accurate, but it’s important to realize that it does not imply the strong-version policy, even if the Fed does target NGDP.
Let’s parse the statement carefully so its implications are clearly visible. The Market Monetarist is basically saying that, due to the boost in NGDP created by the fiscal policy, the Fed engaged in an exactly offsetting reduction in its own activities to maintain NGDP at a target level. So the point isn’t that fiscal stimulus is powerless; it’s that it’s powerless to affect NGDP.
But there are other things that fiscal stimulus is good for, and there are perfectly good reasons to think that we might want to do it even if it’s going to be ‘implicitly offset’ later on by the Fed. I noted:
Fed easing rarely gets bridges built, so we’re looking at a qualitative difference in outcomes.
Let’s agree that the Fed is setting the total amount of stimulus that the economy is going to receive. But once you assert that the mechanism of control is implicit offsets, then you have also admitted that the fiscal authority is allowed to decide the composition of that stimulus. This takes three elements: first, the public/private composition, second, the progressivity of the stimulus, and third, the labor-intensity of the stimulus.
Public/private composition is exactly what it sounds like: are we building bridges or making private investments? Arguments can always be made for both, but in times when stimulus is required, public borrowing is often available at the lowest possible rates, making it the ideal time to engage in this type of investment anyway.
Progressivity also takes the standard definition: is stimulus going out via top-down (i.e., giving bankers cash in exchange for bonds) or bottom-up (i.e., giving poor people cash in exchange for nothing, or to local contractors in exchange for their work on said bridges) methods? The impacts on income distribution and overall inequality are important here, especially given the amount of money that needs to be allocated in a proper stimulus program. Choosing between monetary and fiscal stimulus is key here, as monetary stimulus has the potential to be very regressive.
Labor-intensity is perhaps the most important element of composition in a recession, however: it determines the amount of employment that will be created by the additional stimulus. When we use monetary stimulus, we let that decision to market forces; but there is absolutely no guarantee that those forces will put people to work here rather than, say, hiring workers abroad, or increasing executive compensation. When you decide that the money is going to be spent on paving roads, however, you know you are hiring a lot of people, and they are doing a labor-intensive job over a fair amount of time. In turn, this means that more of the gains will be allocated to employment/wages than to profits. Again, the distinction between a preference for monetary vs. fiscal stimulus should be clear.
So, like I said: it’s all well and good to acknowledge that the central bank may be setting the bounds of net expansion, but the fiscal authority reserves the right to control the character of the expansion. And that’s exactly what legislation is for in the first place.
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